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3 Lessons from Coco Chanel on how to go from outsider to successful innovator

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Photo by Charlota Blunarova from Unsplash.com

From complete outsider, raised in an orphanage, to extraordinarily successful entrepreneur. With radical innovations, she managed to revolutionise a world, that of high fashion, immersed in a mature socio-economic context, dominated by men and reluctant to change. Gabrielle “Coco” Chanel was the first designer to have a global impact and one of the most influential women of the 20th century. But how did she manage, starting from scratch, to make her way in such a conservative and male-dominated world and end up turning it upside down?

Starting from this question, a new study reveals what are the key conditions that can make the difference for an outsider, leading them to success. The study was published in the journal Enterprise & Society (Cambridge University Press) by Mariachiara Colucci and Simone Ferriani, professors at the Department of Management, University of Bologna, together with Gino Cattani of the NYU Stern School of Business.

“There are three crucial factors behind Coco Chanel’s entrepreneurial success: her unique perspective on the fashion world, her ability to find and cultivate a niche of like-minded supporters, and her ability to exploit the ‘turning points’ of the historical period she lived in,” explains Professor Colucci. “This model, in which these three factors fit together perfectly, gives a clear picture of the seemingly inexplicable path by which some outsiders manage to lead radical innovations.”

Gabrielle “Coco” Chanel was born in 1883 in a small village in rural France, in conditions of extreme poverty, and grew up in the orphanage of Aubazine Abbey. There, she received a basic education, but also learned to sew. This skill helped her to find her first job in an underwear and hosiery shop in the town of Moulins.

This was the beginning of her career in the fashion world. In 1909 she opened her first business as a hat designer, and by 1916 she was already running a successful business with three clothing shops and hundreds of employees. By 1931, she had 26 ateliers and more than 2,000 employees, with a turnover of 120 million francs (more than 60 million euros today). It was the highest figure in the Parisian fashion world at the time, and it continued to grow. By 1935 turnover had almost doubled.

“Coco Chanel started with a modest cultural baggage and totally lacked a social, economic and symbolic background. When she began her entrepreneurial journey, she was the outsider par excellence, yet she managed to leave an unprecedented mark on the development of the fashion industry,” explains Professor Ferriani. “She is also credited with playing a decisive role in creating the image, and the new social custom, of the modern woman.”

YOUR BACKGROUND MATTERS

According to the researchers, the first crucial element behind Chanel’s entrepreneurial success lies in her education and early experiences outside the fashion world. A position that uniquely shaped her aesthetic vision, allowing her to challenge the pressure imposed by the dominant canons of Parisian haute couture.

The environments in which she grew up and the unconventional stimuli she received gave her the creative freedom she needed to experiment with the radical ideas that would become a cornerstone of elegance throughout the world. For example, the researchers suggest that her sense of rigour, taste for black and white, as well as the idea of “functional” and “natural” clothing, which until then was completely foreign to haute couture, may have been inspired by the Romanesque austerity of Aubazine Abbey, where she grew up. Furthermore, it is thanks to the world of horses and racing frequented at the Chateau de Royallieu, where Chanel lived with her first lover, that the corset disappeared, and men’s trousers and shirts entered women’s wardrobes.

DEVELOP CONNECTIONS

But a radical vision is not enough, she needed to find a way to implement it. Here comes the second element that explains Chanel’s success: her exceptional ability to cultivate strategic connections with sponsors and influential members of Parisian high society.

“Coco Chanel was a seductive personality and an extraordinary networker. Through her social skills, she gained quick access to members of high society and prominent clients whose aesthetic orientations matched her stylistic vision,” explains Colucci. “Our study shows that Chanel’s social network was not only confined to the business world. Instead, it embraced multiple domains, notably the French artistic avant-garde, which readily endorsed the modernist ideals behind her sober aesthetic vision.”

Over the years, Chanel forged relationships and actively worked with artists such as Picasso, Cocteau, Reverdy and Diaghilev. It is also thanks to their support that her innovative style received public exposure in plays, ballets, and films, thus facilitating the fame and success of her creations. She was also an active participant in the Art Deco movement, which led to her most revolutionary design: la petite robe noire, the famous “little black dress” evoked by US Vogue in 1936 as “the Chanel ‘Ford’ dress.”

Photo by Roberto Martinez from Unsplash.com

CONTEXT IS EVERYTHING

Last but not least, there is the context. The third key ingredient in Chanel’s rise was in fact her ability to read and ride the dramatic change in social needs and customs brought about by the First World War. The post-war period was no longer a time for extravagance, and the privations of war had made women more receptive to simplicity and functionality.

“The truth is that Chanel, like all great innovators, was the first to read and anticipate a change in women’s needs, that the Great War only accelerated, paving the way for the birth of the so-called ‘modern woman’,” explains Colucci. “Chanel was ready, her creations perfectly coherent with the new image of women in society. What a few years earlier was seen as a radical expression of the female silhouette, in the roaring 1920s would become the dominant fashion.”

From this in-depth look at Coco Chanel’s extraordinary life, researchers have identified the essential elements that can allow an outsider not only to break into a closed context, but also to revolutionise it and achieve extraordinary success. A radical vision from the margins of society, the ability to cunningly build a network of like-minded supporters, and the arrival of an exogenous shock that accelerates the process of acceptance.

The study was published in the journal Enterprise & Society under the title “From the Margins to the Core of Haute Couture: The Entrepreneurial Journey of Coco Chanel”. The authors are Gino Cattani of the NYU Stern School of Business (USA), Mariachiara Colucci and Simone Ferriani of the Department of Management, University of Bologna.

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Now you see me, now you don’t: How subtle ‘sponsored content’ on social media tricks us into viewing ads

People are not as good at spotting them as they think. If people recognized ads, they usually ignored them – but some, designed to blend in with your friends’ posts, flew under the radar.

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How many ads do you see on social media? It might be more than you realize. Scientists studying how ads work on Instagram-style social media have found that people are not as good at spotting them as they think. If people recognized ads, they usually ignored them – but some, designed to blend in with your friends’ posts, flew under the radar.

“We wanted to understand how ads are really experienced in daily scrolling — beyond what people say they notice, to what they actually process,” said Maike Hübner, PhD candidate at the University of Twente, corresponding author of the article in Frontiers in Psychology. “It’s not that people are worse at spotting ads. It’s that platforms have made ads better at blending in. We scroll on autopilot, and that’s when ads slip through. We may even engage with ads on purpose, because they’re designed to reflect the trends or products our friends are talking about and of course we want to keep up. That’s what makes them especially hard to resist.”

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The scientists wanted to test how much time people spent looking at sponsored versus organic posts, how they looked at different areas of these different posts, and how they behaved after realizing they were looking at sponsored content. They randomly assigned 152 participants, all of whom were regular Instagram users, to one of three mocked-up social media feeds, each of which was made up of 29 posts — eight ads and 21 organic posts. 

They were asked to imagine that the feed was their own and to scroll through it as they would normally. Using eye-tracking software, the scientists measured fixations — the number of times a participant’s gaze stopped on different features of a post — and dwell time, how long the fixations last. A low dwell time suggests that someone just noticed the feature, while a high dwell time might indicate they were paying attention. After each session, the scientists interviewed the participants about their experience.

Although people did notice disclosures when they were visible, the eye-tracking data suggested that participants paid more attention to calls to action — like a link to sign up for something — which could indicate that this is how they recognize ads. Participants were also quick to recognize an ad by the profile name or verification badge of a brand’s official account, or glossy visuals, which caused participants to express distrust. 

“People picked up on design details like logos, polished images, or ‘shop now’ buttons before they noticed an actual disclosure,” said Hübner. “On brand posts, that label is right under the username at the top, while on influencer content or reels, it might be hidden in a hashtag or buried in the ‘read more’ section.”

Although the scientists found that the ads often went unnoticed, if people realized that the content wasn’t organic, many of them stopped engaging with the post. Dwell time dropped immediately.

#ad

This was less likely to happen to ads that blended in better, with less polished visuals and a tone and format more typical of organic content. If ad cues like disclosures or call-to-action buttons weren’t noticed right away, they got similar levels of engagement to organic posts. 

“Many participants were shocked to learn how many ads they had missed. Some felt tricked, others didn’t mind — and that last group might be the most worrying,” said Hübner. “When we stop noticing or caring that something is an ad, the boundary between persuasion and information becomes very thin.”

The scientists say these findings show that transparency goes well beyond just labelling ads. Understanding how people really process ads should lead to a rethink of platform design and regulation to make sure that people know when they’re looking at advertising. 

However, this was a lab-based study with simulated feeds, and it’s possible that studies on different cultures, age groups, or types of social media might get different results. It’s also possible that ads are even harder to recognize under real-life conditions.

“Even in a neutral, non-personalized feed, participants struggled to tell ads apart from regular content,” Hübner pointed out. “In their own feeds which are shaped around their interests, habits, and social circles it might be even harder to spot ads, because they feel more familiar and trustworthy.”

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BizNews

Personalized pricing can backfire on companies, says study

If part of the product’s value depends on how many people are using it, think a social media network or e-commerce platform, not being able to see what others are being charged means consumers are fuzzier about how many people are likely to buy in and join the network.

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Personalized pricing, where merchants adjust prices according to the pile of data about a consumer’s willingness to pay, has been criticized for its potential to unfairly drive-up prices for certain customers.

But new research shows that the practice can also hurt sellers’ profits.

Consumers commonly experience personalized pricing through digital coupons or other discount offers they receive either as potential customers or after making a purchase. Other recent examples include the practice of “Buy Now, Pay Later” plans that bundles the sale of a product with a subsidized loan, which can offer different prices to different customers based on their willingness to pay, and airlines using artificial intelligence to customize prices for individual airfares.

Companies can tweak their prices according to data about a customer’s digital footprint, including their buying preferences, location, lifestyle and even what kind of digital device and operating system they use—all in pursuit of squeezing maximum profit out of the buyer.

The downside though, says Liyan Yang, a professor of finance and the Peter L. Mitchelson/SIT Investment Associates Foundation Chair in Investment Strategy at the University of Toronto’s Rotman School of Management, is that this practice typically obscures the price information available to other consumers, an important factor in their decision to buy.

When prices are transparent to everyone and they’re low, “you know that on average, more people will be buying,” says Prof. Yang.

But if part of the product’s value depends on how many people are using it, think a social media network or e-commerce platform, not being able to see what others are being charged means consumers are fuzzier about how many people are likely to buy in and join the network.

The upshot? “Consumers are going to spend less,” says Prof. Yang.

The researcher put those ideas under a theoretical microscope when he and former Rotman PhD student Yan Xiong, who is now an associate professor at University of Hong Kong Business School, used mathematics and game theory to model what happens when consumers can’t see what other people are being charged for a network-based product. Their models revealed that a company ultimately charged more when prices were concealed compared to when they were transparent, leading to lower profits.

Luckily for companies, there are workarounds. Using similar modelling, the researchers found that the profit pitfall could be avoided through some kind of corporate commitment or backstop related to keeping prices low even as a company also pursued profits.

That could be done by the company committing to keep prices within a certain range or at least to lowering prices through a corporate social responsibility program, by developing a good reputation among consumers, by initially offering low prices that are transparent to attract consumers with a lower price threshold, or through the use of price caps either mandated by government or voluntarily adopted by the company.

Another option is for a government to require companies to charge the same price to all customers, a strategy promoted in China, the European Union and the United States where personalized pricing practices have become an issue.

While companies typically dislike regulation, Prof. Yang points out that theoretically at least, some form of price restriction may lead to better corporate profits in the end.

 “There are trade-offs,” he says, adding that regulators would have to “gauge precisely” where the limits should be to hit the pricing sweet spot that optimizes profits to the company.

The study appeared in the Journal of Economic Theory.

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Have you been offended by a discriminatory or harmful ad? You might just buy the product it’s promoting

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Time plays a key role in consumer behavior, especially concerning the purchasing patterns of vulnerable groups in society who have been ridiculed in offensive and discriminatory ads. Ben-Gurion University researcher Dr. Enav Friedmann examined the long-term reactions of consumers from discriminated groups after exposure to offensive advertising. Such advertising often manifests in marketing messages that demean excluded groups, reinforce harmful stereotypes, or cross social norms.

Their findings were published last month in Psychology & Marketing. Dr. Friedmann is a member of the Department of Business Administration at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev. She is the head of the LBM research lab, which focuses on marketing,

“The social and psychological implications of such advertisements are profound,” explains Dr. Friedmann. “Socially, they normalize prejudice, perpetuate stereotypes, and undermine efforts to achieve equality. We decided to examine these conflicts of social identity combined with consumer behavior. This is a topic that hasn’t been researched enough, but it has significant implications for individuals, groups, and businesses in society.”

The Study’s Approach

To this end, three independent experiments were conducted. They examined the impact of exposure to insulting advertisements or those excluding vulnerable groups (women and people of color) at two time points: immediately upon exposure to the ad, and then 10 days or a month later.

The offensive ads were designed to be inspired by authentic advertisements from companies, which contained offensive content toward women and people of color. A total of 640 women and men, both light-skinned and dark-skinned, participated in all the experiments and answered questions related to the brand and their personal feelings.

Key Findings

In the first experiment, a hypothetical ad for a body soap brand called “BubbleSoap” was presented, with a racist implication toward people of color. A dark-skinned family was shown in the ‘before’ image and a light-skinned family in the ‘after’ image. It was found that dark-skinned participants who felt their ethnic group was severely discriminated against, and tended to identify less with their group, showed a higher purchase intention for the BubbleSoap brand ten days later compared to participants who did not feel their ethnic group was discriminated against.

The second experiment involved an offensive advertisement toward women for a real brand. Participants were randomly exposed to either non-offensive sexist ads or offensive sexist ads. The offensive version was identical but included the text: “Women, I’m sick of you! I get tired of all of you so quickly,” with the well-known tagline below: “You’re not you when you’re hungry.” This ad was inspired by real candy bar ads that mock the idea of men respecting women and aggressively disparage women under the guise of sarcastic humor.

After about a month, it was found that women who identified their gender group as significantly discriminated against, and tended to identify less with the female group, were more likely to choose the brand that offended their group. The choice was made at each time point by choosing between three chocolate brands. Of course, the respondents’ initial preference for the offensive brand was considered.

In the third experiment, neurological measurements were taken using an EEG device in a lab experiment for a construction company. Participants were randomly exposed to either offensive or non-offensive sexist ads. The offensive version included the text: “She thinks she understands… In big decisions, don’t let her decide!” Participants were asked to describe their feelings toward the brand at two points in time. The researchers measured the activation of the participants’ right and left frontal brain regions during a brand feeling task. After ten days, among women who identified their group as significantly discriminated against, and tended to identify less with the female group over time, increased activity was found in the left frontal areas (compared to the right) of the brain. These areas are known in the literature to indicate a desire to approach a stimulus.

Photo by Marcus Herzberg from Pexels.com

The Paradoxical Phenomenon

The findings revealed a paradoxical phenomenon: participants who reported high levels of perceived discrimination against their group, and over time tended to identify less with the offended group, actually showed an increasing preference for the brand that insulted their group. This was measured through purchase intention, actual product choice, or brain responses indicating an approach toward the brand.

This phenomenon aligns with theories of disidentification, a process in which individuals from vulnerable groups come to understand the long-term consequences of harm to their group (reduced self-esteem and group-esteem).

Those who feel their group is significantly discriminated against and tend to reduce their identification with the group in order to protect their sense of self-esteem, tend to do so by approaching the object that harmed their group over time.

“The research findings deepen our understanding of how identity threats affect responses in advertising contexts and highlight the ethical considerations brands must address when formulating campaigns,” explains Dr. Friedmann. “This research delves into the psychological complexity of identity regulation as a result of exposure to threatening content for consumers.”

Implications and Recommendations

The study results do not suggest that offensive-discriminatory advertising is an effective marketing strategy. Most participants exposed to this content did not demonstrate more positive attitudes or behaviors than those in the control group; rather, it was a specific limited group of people who reacted positively to it. On the contrary, such advertisements can exact a significant psychological toll on individuals belonging to discriminated groups. These findings reinforce the importance of adopting an ethical approach to identity-based marketing and avoiding tactics that exploit social vulnerability for strategic profit.

In accordance with the study’s findings, the researchers recommend adopting an approach that involves enforcement and clear criteria to prevent harm to various population groups.

“Enforcement against offensive and discriminatory marketing is essential to protect the well-being of individuals and foster a more egalitarian society. As a society, we must develop specific criteria for controlling offensive advertisements, as is customary in the UK, and impose significant financial penalties on those who violate them,” concluded Dr. Friedmann.

The Research Team

The research team included: Eliran Solodoha from the Peres Academic Center, Sandra Maria Correia Loureiro from the University of Lisbon, and Lior Aviali, LBM Lab Manager, from Ben-Gurion University of the Negev.

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